James Madison offered a walking tour of ancient greek government associations in F18, and fast forwards to his contemporary germanic empire in F19.  I see, here, the clear evidence for a historiographical 400 level college course titled “The Federalist Papers and the Role of History in Late 18th Century America.”  

One immediate takeaway is Madison’s letting history speak for itself.  A good essay question for that college course would ask whether this is strictly Madisonian, or was his audience inclined to make the connection between history (and current events abroad) and the present controversy in America: the Constitution’s proposed structure of government.

That said, I suppose Madison isn’t really letting history speak for itself.  It is true that he makes no direct “this-thus-this” analogy with the early American situation; but, his telling of history (his interpretation of history) betrays his point.  For instance, speaking of the germanic empire:

The fundamental principle on which it rests, that the empire is a community of sovereigns, that the diet is a representation of sovereigns and that the laws are addressed to sovereigns, renders the empire a nerveless body, incapable of regulating its own members, insecure against external dangers, and agitated with unceasing fermentations in its own bowels.

 

One can see in Madison’s telling of history and his interpretation of current events the roots of current Originalist jurisprudence.  And in both, the two (in my mind) dominant themes exist: (1) the earnest attempt to use historical and existing events to add knowledge to one’s present decision; and (2) the fallacy that one can evoke and discuss those events without fundamentally interpreting them.

We’ve typed on here about deliberative democracy, DD being the sort-of shared objective of our contributors.  As such, Farhad Manjoo’s column in today’s Slate, loking into the potential of an Obama administration web presence,  comes to interested eyes.  

Manjoo’s initial thrust is to wonder aloud how the “most technologically sophisticated presidential campaign in history” might morph into a working, administrative presence.  It is one thing to use technology to drive a singular goal, and quite another to use it to further the various and sundry (thus, not alotogether unifying) policy initiatives stemming from 1600 Pennsylvania Ave, NW.  Manjoo wonders whether a White House Web could solicit meaningful citizen input.

The sort of Web site the Obama team seems to be envisioning—one in which the president and his citizens hold deep discussions about the controversial issues of the day—will surely be much less focused than My.BarackObama.com, which had a singular goal: to get Barack Obama elected. Obama’s campaign Web site connected disparate people who shared a common passion; the White House social network will connect people who disagree with each other and with the president—and whose goals might be in conflict. So far, the Web hasn’t had a great record of bridging social divisions. If Obama can change that, maybe he really is a different kind of politician.

 

That last line reminds me of Cass Sunstein’s Republic.com, which argues that the internet, rather than providing people with new or challenging ideas, can lead to intellectual balkanization because of our ability to filter our online inputs.

Manjoo’s column might be summarized with this question: can Obama create an online forum that allows deliberative democracy?

We need to dispense with the phrase “team of mavericks.”

Maverick:

1. An unbranded range animal, especially a calf that has become separated from its mother, traditionally considered the property of the first person who brands it.
2. One that refuses to abide by the dictates of or resists adherence to a group; a dissenter.
The definition of “maverick” precludes there being a team of them. McCain/Palin can, without violating semantics, refer to their ticket as a “couple of mavericks.” This might call our attention to what their catch-phrase really means: that they propose serious, independent debate between themselves, and that (according to their maverick natures) they won’t really listen to the others’ advise.
Late Update:
I came across this piece in the Times giving the etymology of “maverick.”  Turns out the Maverick family is none too happy about the word’s late usage.

Have a read.  The biggest problem of democratic-like politics has existed in America since our first contested Presidential elections (if Washington were not a given, we may not have had to wait until 1800 to see nasty, lying, politics).  The problem is not so much nastiness in politics.  If nastiness were a problem, it wouldn’t last.  The reason people promote, put up with, and fall prey to nastiness is that large-scale electoral politics creates an atmoshpere condusive to massive simplification.  We take a side, and defend it - but because politics debates have the time restaint of a trip to the water cooler, we rely on quick barbs and talking points rather than serious, humble, and receptive discussions.  In such a system, if you take more than 15 seconds to verbally explore an issue, you will be interupted.  Most likely, by a person with a talking point jumping from the tip of their tongue.

So, divided opinions create nastiness.  We want divided opinions, though.  I don’t want nastiness, so what is the solution?  I admit, this is why I dug Obama when listening to Audacity…his tone seemed to speak to this problem: I liked the tone of humble, receptive thinking.  I liked this about McCain, too, in interviews I watched up to about half a year ago.  

In any event: the linked article up top of this post got me thinking about politics, divisions, and nastiness.  Have a read.

 

Political Wire noted this morning that, as far as early polling can go, independents were much less amused with Palin’s speech than Democratics.  The ABC news informal poll suggests the same.  

Compare this:

Jan Wheelock, 58, Royal Oak independent: “Nothing worked for me. I found her barrage of snide remarks and distortions to be a major turnoff. She is not a class act. The most important point she made is that she will be an effective attack dog.”

to this, from Dem Howard Wolfson:

What I was particularly impressed with was her ability to stick the knife into Barack Obama with a smile and do it effectively. She was very, very good…  That shot at the end with she and her family on stage cradling the baby is priceless. You can’t buy that kind of imagery. She did a very, very good job. I agree Democrats have reason to be concerned. Nobody should underestimate this woman’s political ability, to go on stage in a hall like this, give a speech like this for the first time ever, quite impressive.

 

My amature politico (and partisan) conclusion is this: Democratic politico-types think Palin did a really great job because she very effectively framed the dabate in the manner that the one that must not be named (Rove) would have it.  The Dem politico types fear that this race will become a battle of perceived personality rather than a focus on issues, and Palin nailed that tack last night.  My guess is that most Dems figure that if this race turns on issues (name it, economy, war, foreign policy, health care), Obama controls the majority opinion (to repeat, name it: GOP convention speakers have unwisely echoed Gramm’s whiner sentiment; most folks are not happy about Iraq; most folks think Obama’s diplomacy tendencies are good; and most folks don’t adore the current health care structure).  So the Dems that are obsessed with politics fear that the GOP ticket will turn this race into a contest between the beaten man that winked at his fellow POW captive versus the upstart.  And they figure Palin did a pretty good job in so framing last night.

If some informal polls are accurate, though, the Dem politico types have spent too much time in consulting school.  And I hope they are and have.  Politics is unavoidably a superficial exercise, so I will not argue that citizens should recite the respective policy platforms of each candidate before voting.  Nor, though, ought politics be an exercise in movie-script writing.  Issues are important, and whether a person votes on one or a hundred issues, I would rather have that voter care about a candidate’s tendencies in an abortion vote (or a health care, education, or highway funding) vote, than in whether they think that candidate is cool or stoic.  It is partly difficult in today’s politics to really estimate a platform (both sides present the others’ tax proposals, for instance, as a raise to the middle class).  But it is down right irresponsible to vote for a person thinking they’d be cooler to have a beer with.  My overriding gripe with modern politics is not that they simplify policies; it is that they attempt to create a character out of a person that the people will favor.  McCain is the guy that took torture rather than reveal U.S. secrets, and is the man that divorced his wife.  Knowing that I cannot judge his person, I try to refrain from the People Magazine-ish attempt to do so.  

Fortunately, hopefully, the independents that saw this problem in Palin’s speech represent the direction our country is taking in politics.  Hopefully the Democratic consultants are wrong.  Hopefully.

I’ve already seen more live footage of the Republican convention than the Democratic, and would be interested to see some OR responses to the themes in each convention.  Was, for instance, chanting “Drill, baby, drill!” a good idea?  Apart from sounding like ‘burn, baby, burn,’ it strikes me a desperate, frothy-mouthed inclination to simply tear up the Earth.

I’m also curious whether level-headed observers buy the framing of Obama as a hollow shell, self-obsessed, asprant on a personal journey.  I was struck by the fairly nasty sarcasm in Palin’s speech; it seems, though, that the sarcasm was exactly the tone they wanted to strike, casting the Democratic contender in hyperbole, rather than addressing him on the details of the respective plans.

From the bits I heard of the Democratic convention, I was annoyed at the continued discussion of Bush’s 2 terms.  Clearly, they want to connect McCain to Bush, but it got old and I was relieved to hear Bill Clinton offer a good summary of the policy differences between the two parties.  From there, Obama was able to give some detail on his plans to take the Democratic policy positions forward.  In any event, I am curious if a Republican would have felt as under attack at the Dem convention as I would at the GOP convention.

Finally, it is interesting that the Democratic speakers that I saw each praised McCain before dissing his current policy positions.  Unless we see some tack to civility from McCain’s talk tonight, I see only  dismissive nastiness toward Obama from the GOP speakers.

I wonder if the media is sexist.

The NY Times reported on what members of big media (and Howard Dean) had to say.  Christopher HItchens then disagreed, with typical HItchens mean-wit, that any of the Times’ examples of sexism were really convincing of the crime.  Really, he seems to use the column as an excuse to really make sure the audience knows how much he didn’t like her campaign, but I do agree with him in wondering how discussion of a cackle, while irrelevant, is a mark of sexism.  The, TPM’s election page agreed , if “to be treated unfairly by the press” = “to be a victim of sexism.” (to be fair, the TPM piece runs through examples of media stupidity (unfairness, reporting on non-stories, etc) on Clinton, and promises a similar look into media stupidity on Obama (and one would urge McCain, just for a complete comparison). But the piece’s discussion of unfairness comes in the news-text of a bunch of pondering over sexism, and unfairness seems to be at least an indicator)

I’ve discussed the question of whether Clinton got sexist treatment from the media a few times now, and realize a few questions could use addressing.  What is sexism?  What is sexist media coverage?  What is the media in this context, when talking campaigns?

The TPM piece on unfairness documents (and pretty savvily vis a vis the ‘what is media thing’) various unfair treatments of Senator Clinton.  But, I’m not convinced the unfairness documented is of any greater degree than treatment of other candidates. The media doesn’t take most candidates seriously, ever - is there an “ism” word to cover treatment of candidates without money, celebrity status, charisma, relatively good looks, or some party history placing them in the group of “serious candidates”?

All the same, I am still very interested in whether sexism affected coverage, amplifying irrelevant and inane coverage as would exist regardless of age, sex, or race. I think we can identify sexism as a predisposition to hold a lower opinion of a person because of their gender (is it sexist to hold a higher opinion of a person based on gender alone? Was it sexist when media covered John Edwards’ good looks?)  I think we can identify media moments of sexism by stories, columns, and online posts that betray the writer’s sexism (or, perhaps, the tv person’s sexism, as manifested through voice-tone, ad hoc comments, etc).  But, the Supreme Court has proved that a writer’s intent is not always readily apparent. Is the media being sexist?  Does the “media” include the websites, like Drudge, that fed so many stupid stories the networks picked up? Does it include blogs?  Comments on blogs?

In any event, the discussion brings to mind an old question I’ve had about perspective.  Say I read a news story, and decided “not sexist.”  Then, say a female friend read the same story and decided “sexist.”  Which of our opinions is right?  Is she right, because she’s a female, having potentially experienced being a victim of sexism, and thus more adept in identifying it?  What if she is over-sensitive to sexism, too-quickly labeling actions as sexist?  What if, in that regard, I am more objective and accurate?  Oh, but perhaps sexism is a subjective issue, whether it exists being dependent on the audience (if a person feels it, it exist).  But that really makes a meaningful look at sexism, at all, impossible, doesn’t it?  Thoughts?

To the extent our early history informs the current social scheme, I enjoyed coming across the lines someone scribbled in Boston, circa 1795.

While Britain battled with France, John Jay popped over to London to settle some outstanding problems (like, their departing from some prolonged occupations and opening up trade). The treaty that he secured, though, rubbed against the division that had formed in our early politics: Republicans that thought the French Revolution was wonderful, and Britain the sign of all evil; and Federalists that saw the horror of the French Revolution and the value of good relations with England.

As partisans do, several Republicans placed the brunt of their political emotions on Jay. In Boston, one fellow scribbled on a Federalist’s house:

Damn John Jay! Damn everyone who won’t damn John Jay!! Damn everyone that won’t put lights in his windows and sit up all night damning John Jay!!!

Hopefully we’ll think aloud on here sometime soon on Indiana’s voter ID law recently upheld by the Supreme 9. Fair voting isn’t something we’ve thought much about here - but man, is it ever a lush field for conversation. Let’s begin by working out four initial elements, starting with the final act:

(1) what is the meaning of fair, honest, and accurate vote tallying?

(2) what is the meaning of fair, honest, and accurate voting?

(3) what is the meaning of fair, honest, and accurate getting out the vote?

(4) what is the meaning of fair, … campaigning?

By that third element, I mean the things that government and private entities do to encourage folks to go vote - including absentee balloting, information dissemination, transportation efforts, etc.

Is, for instance, a robo-call telling people they will get voter registration information in the mail, and to wait for that information, and to sign it and send it in…fair, honest, and accurate? Does the answer depend on context - if the call might make folks think they can’t vote without having performed the actions discussed in the call? Is there some reasonable person standard we apply here - so that, if only folks half-paying-attention would have their votes suppressed, we don’t care? Like the Buchanan voters in Florida. Or the folks getting these calls?

It is too bad the Sophists are not around these days to offer insights into persuasive public speaking. One wonders if HBOified John Adams will fling his main man Cicero, with all his thoughts on rhetoric, into the public imagination. Some sorting out of rhetoric is in order this campaign season.

To be sure, some variations of talk versus action, youth versus experience, idealism versus realism, and so and so have been the contests of, well, maybe most political contests. But the attention to speech making—to Barack Obama’s speechmaking, by Hillary Clinton’s campaign—is a unique centerpiece this time around.

From the bits and pieces of talking points I hear, Obama’s opponents believe he is particularly gifted in the fifth of the old canons in rhetoric, actio; this being the final delivery of a speech. Without pulling up quotes, let’s just take agreed notice that we’ve plenty heard the dismissive: “he gives a good speech.” The criticism doesn’t really matter much unless you presume that abilities come at the detriment of other abilities. Such a presumption could mean Obama fails in other aspects of rhetoric, namely the inventio of a speech—coming up with an idea. Maybe the “he gives a good speech” criticism is meant to say Obama has no substance, no ideas, in those good speeches.

The other side to the criticisim is that, while Obama pulls off great speeches, a President is not the speechmaker in chief, but many more important things, like being the most experienced in chief. Such is the message conveyed in this, from Clinton’s speeches:

It’s time we move from good words to good works, from sound bites to sound solutions … We need to make a choice between speeches and solutions.


Amazing that a pitch against sound bites uses a triple play of political punnery to create a sound bite.

The reason this line is not working against Obama is at least two-fold.

First, there is no good argument being presented that Obama is unable to attain “solutions,” which I take to mean initiatives within Executive Branch agencies, Congressional votes for Democratic policy, retaining allies, and promoting U.S. interests abroad like not letting crazy states or organizations do US citizens real harm.

Simply saying Obama is unable to do these things doesn’t do the trick—the lack of a compelling argument as to why he can’t explains how a people to preoccupied with experience when voting up John Kerry over more charismatic speakers four years ago seem happy with Obama.

The reason Obama’s speeches are compelling to people does not rest on his eloquent delivery nor the starry eyes of his supporters. The fact is, as is the case with a lot of speeches that achieve delighted receptions, people like what the speaker says. Obama stuffs substance into his speeches that suggests a respect for the intelligence of his audience. The success of his speech on race at the Constitution Center in Philadelphia did not derive from a smooth presentation, but from the fact that he was intellectually candid. Refreshing, indeed, to hear a pivot from talking points.

Delivery does count for something as well—Obama’s delivery also achieves the sense of treating the audience as thinking beings that don’t go to bed each night repeating talking points to themselves. That, I increasingly think, is the real reason his speeches help him, and why attacking them hurts his opponents. People appreciate Obama precisely because they feel they are not pawns falling for one-liners.

So, fashioning one-liners to attack Obama’s candidacy is not the best solution to a second-place campaign.

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